Tao Sheng
9 November 2020
In my piece I explore the potential consequences of defunding campus police in the US, citing the University of Chicago as a case study. This piece will answer questions like: What does it even mean to “defund the police” and who supports these policies? What does it mean for schools in high-crime areas? How might this affect the University of Chicago, and more importantly, what precedent for campus policing in the United States will this set? I will attempt to achieve this by first providing an overview of the recent developments in the “defund the police” movement and how it transformed from an idea into tangible policy proposals from some Americans. Along the way, I will attempt to compare campus police with regular police and use historical evidence to provide a pro and cons analysis on how defunding campus police may appear. I will be using the University of Chicago as a non-representative case study of the broader narrative of defunding campus police.
On October 13, 2020, in the city of Chicago, 35-year-old soon-to-be-mother, Stacey Jones, was preparing to go to work as a probation officer when she was confronted by an ex-boyfriend. There was a brief struggle and neighbors reported hearing two or three gunshots. It was not until midnight that someone reported Stacey Jones’ unresponsive body lying near her front porch. Although University of Chicago doctors were successfully able to deliver the baby, his mother died days later from two gunshot wounds to the back.[1] The ex-boyfriend later turned himself in, and Jones’ father, Tommy Baker, said, “Now that they found him, now I can be a father and just cry for her. I am glad CPD did their job.” This tragedy comes as Chicago murders are up in 2020 while overall crime has decreased. In just the first half of 2020, murders have increased 37% compared to the entirety of 2019.[2]
Seemingly in a separate part of the city, student demonstrators marched on the University of Chicago campus with demands for defunding the police. “We keep us safe. We’re going to fight to abolish this (expletive) system, not reform it, because it’s doing exactly what it’s intended to do. And we’re also going to focus on transforming our communities to serve people, to serve us,” said Madeline Wright, one of the organizers of the campus’s “defund the police” protests fighting to abolish the University of Chicago Police Department (UCPD). Later that day, student protestors called for a 50% cut to the UCPD annual budget for a dismantling of the UCPD in 2022 to use those funds to “support students of color and ethnic studies.”[3]
These student demonstrations come soon after the killing of George Floyd, a black man, at the hands of a white police officer in Minneapolis in the summer of 2020. Even amidst the 2020 COVID-19 global pandemic, cities all over the U.S. saw what began as protests against police brutality evolve into protests against racial injustice. Political entities, scholars, special interest groups, and even university students all joined in calling for “defunding the police.”
Proponents of “defending the police” would argue that these student demonstrators are at odds with the reality that Chicago neighborhoods are seeing more murders per year, and while some scholars, political figures, and students see it this way, others see defunding the police as the solution to decreasing general crime as well as racially-motivated police killings. Chicago is not the only example of student demonstrators protesting against campus police departments. Students at the University of Southern California wished to dissolve their Department of Public safety; students at Columbia University’s Mailman School of Public Health similarly opposed policing the surrounding neighborhoods, namely Harlem and Washington Heights; and students at the University of Minnesota called for the school to cut ties with the Minneapolis Police Department.[4] These are just a few of the notable calls for defunding campus police across the United States.
However, like many slogans for policy change, this stance has numerous variations that range from total abolition to partial funding reallocations— even among university students. In the midst of the June protests, NAACP president Derrick Johnson responded to the proposal saying, “I don’t know what [defunding the police] substantively means… As I’m talking to people about the concept, I’ve gotten three different explanations.”[5] Figures such as Mariame Kaba, an organizer against criminalization and the prison-industrial complex, and the #8toAbolition project that began during the George Floyd protests have supported total police abolition over defunding police, citing the “fundamentally racist nature of police in the US” as “a system that cannot be reformed.”[6] On the other hand are groups like the Brookings Institute that reject complete abolition in support of reallocating police precinct budgets towards mental-health counseling, substance abuse treatment, and education programs to name a few. They argue that these institutions have potential to prevent crime from happening in the first place and thereby reduce the need for policing. [7] In essence, “defunding the police” alludes to numerous policy proposals which consequentially makes it difficult to identify a common policy for campus police.
This article will offer a brief examination into how campus police’s role can be reimagined in the future along the broad policy outlines involved behind calls to “defund the police.” To begin we must note there are significant issues with extrapolating opinions on defunding city police towards opinions on defunding campus police. Firstly, there are stark differences between campus police and non-campus police regarding accountability. Yale undergraduate student Jaelen King, for example, has called attention to the fact that campus police at Yale enjoy a different level of accountability. Specifically, they are not subjected to state record laws, which may reduce transparency and lead to exploitation.[8] Secondly, comparing campus crime to that found in American cities is not a parallel correlation. Although campus crime appears less rampant than city crime, one source concluded that a total 37,573 criminal offenses were reported in 2018 in just 6,104 institutions across 11,013 campuses.[9] However, that is not to say there is the same rate of criminal offenses everywhere. Lastly, even among American campuses, there may be variation due to location and proximity to high crime neighborhoods. For example, the University of Notre Dame may enjoy low crime rates in South Bend, Indiana while Temple University police frequent the streets of Philadelphia, Pennsylvania to protect students. Because of these variables, there is no abundantly clear evidence for a “one-size-fits-all” stance on applying defund the police type solutions to such issues as understood on college campuses, let alone police precincts across the nation. Thus, this article will analyze a non-representative, select case study of the notable defund the campus police movement at the University of Chicago and attempt to provide a discussion of its pros and cons specifically concerning the UCPD, which hopefully offers the opportunity to extrapolate to schools of comparable size, proximity to high crime neighborhoods, and percentage students of color.
But first some context: what even is “defunding the police,” where did this slogan come from, and how exactly would it work on college campuses? Although this principle existed long before the Black Lives Matter movement popularized the term during the George Floyd protests of 2020, it has undeniably captured national attention in the protests’ wake.
In short, “defunding the police” means reallocating funds from annual police budgets into areas that would be more effective crime deterrents. These set of policies are distinct from police abolitionists’ views to completely dissolve certain police departments. Rather, the long term goals of improving community health, accessible housing, mental health services, education, and employment for the needy would expect to reap benefits from reduced need and opportunity to commit crime alongside resources to support constructive alternatives. Many activists also claim that systemic racism in the U.S is perpetuated by the current policing system, which results in disproportionate deaths among African Americans in both armed and unarmed confrontations even when accounting for population.[10]Furthermore, some activists also wish to see the police take a more streamlined role – for example, responding less to mental health crises and having other professions like social work take this role.
These proposed benefits theoretically sound like incredible changes for all Americans. However, as time passes, it remains unclear from which political sector these stances draw support from. Take as a starting point when President Donald Trump tweeted “The radical left Democrats’ new theme is ‘Defund the police.’ Remember that when you don’t want crime, especially against you and your family.”[11] However, his democratic opponent for the 2020 election, former Vice President Joe Biden has expressed opposition to the slogan, and that he instead also favors “proper” funding with drastic police training protocol reform.[12] In fact, Vermont Senator Bernie Sanders, who is regarded as one of the furthest left-leaning US Senators, also shares this belief, though he agrees with increased funding for education, healthcare, and more.[13] Regarding public opinion, a Gallup survey found that just about 81-percent of African Americans desire the same or increased police presence in their neighborhoods.[14] However, this finding is not to be confused with attitudes towards police reform, as that garnered bipartisan support – according to a poll conducted by YouGov and Yahoo News, 67% of Americans support a ban on any restraints to the neck with 83% of Republicans and 94% of Democrats also favoring “training police on how to de-escalate conflicts and avoid using force.”[15] Nevertheless, a sample of American adults also found that less than 20-percent support any variation of defunding, with statistically insignificant differences between Democrats, Republicans, and Independents. To be specific, just 16% of Democrats and 15% of Republicans support this idea.
A potentially similar degree of dissent for the slogan “defund the police” exists in government, seemingly across both parties. Washington, DC Mayor Muriel Bowser has said she was “not at all” considering police defunding.[16]Likewise, House Majority Whip Rep. James Clyburn, one of the highest-ranking black members in Congress, previously told CNN that “nobody is going to defund the police,” mentioning that police officers “have a role” in the future of law enforcement.[17] Democratic House Speaker Nancy Pelosi also insisted that the Democrats’ police reform legislation “isn’t about” defunding the police. This widespread resistance to defunding stands in stark contrast with New York Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez who has supported defunding police by expressing that “defunding the police means defunding police.”[18]
Among special interest groups, the NAACP president Derrick Johnson, on June 9th, 2020, declined to comment on whether he will support “defunding the police.” Two days after, Rogers Johnson, the president of the Seacoast NAACP chapter announced he would not support calls to defund the police, claiming that in New Hampshire, NAACP members have been working to “forge position relationships [with leaders in law enforcement] for years… The reason why we established these relationships is because it is beneficial to our membership. It’s beneficial to black people. When things happen, these are the people we are going to need to help us fix it. That’s the case.”[19] However, the American Civil Liberties Union’s (ACLU) Policing Policy Director, Paige Fernandez, has joined in publicly expressing support for defunding the police in an op-ed on the ACLU website and Cosmopolitan.[20] Among other proposals, she wishes to “end the presence of police in schools, which exacerbates racial inequalities, puts immigrant students at risk of deportation, and limits opportunities accessible to low-income students.” The Black Lives Matter movement and some of its high-ranking organizers have expressed similar desires for defunding police.
Even more interesting is that prominent social scientists are also divided. According to Princeton sociologist Patrick Sharkey, the best evidence available shows that while police are effective in reducing violence overall, there is growing evidence that demonstrates community organizations can play a similar role.[21] However, criminologists Justin Nix and Scott Wolfe have cautioned, “We have enough research evidence to be concerned about the immediate impact of drastic budget cuts or wholesale disbanding of police agencies: Crime and victimization will increase….These collateral consequences will disproportionately harm minority communities that need help, not further marginalization.” They then argue that “Cities that have more police officers per capita tend to have lower crime rates. This does not necessarily mean we need to hire more police. Rather, having more officers per capita provides greater ability to dedicate resources to community- and problem-oriented policing approaches that have been shown to reduce crime and improve community satisfaction.”[22] While there is evidence to suggest community-led techniques can reduce violence as much as police, there is also grave concern that such drastic change may endanger more lives than it intends to save. It is entirely possible that police reform will bring the ideal change protestors are calling for. Nevertheless, there is inconclusive data on how events will unfold as this would be one of the first of its kind in American history.
Based on the arguments presented by some notable social scientists, the debate on whether to defund police can be grouped into three groups. Firstly, is the debate on whether police have retained themes of specifically anti-black racism from its centuries old founding. Second is the question of whether defunding policies will increase crime in the short and long run. Third, is whether any type of police reform can be effective, or in other words, whether police abolitionists are correct in noting that “police cannot be reformed.”
Before a discussion on campus police, we must examine the relatively young history of college police departments. The first examples of campus police specifically assigned to American colleges and universities date back to 1894 when Yale University began an agreement with the New Haven Police Department to have two of their officers assigned exclusively to the campus as a means to deter crime, and to improve student-police relations. However, in the late 1960s, most colleges and universities began using police specifically hired to act within and surrounding campuses. Historians agree that this is likely a result of student demonstrations against American involvement in the Vietnam War; the Kent State University shooting on May 4, 1970, in which the Ohio National Guard killed four unarmed students and wounded nine more; and increasing crime across American campuses. John J. Sloan III, a professor of criminology and sociology at the University of Alabama Birmingham who studies campus crime, points out it is historically and sociologically unsurprising that “violence and vandalism and all the various things happen when you put a bunch of relatively young people together in a relatively small space.” But, he notes, in the time around the Kent State Massacre and Vietnam War demonstrations, local police were called in, and it was the relatively high percentage of violence in these encounters that led to campus police departments. “It doesn’t look good to have county sheriffs or local police officers patrolling the campus,” he said. “It’s far better to have your own department, your own officers who can be trained appropriately, because this is somewhat of a different setting.” Later, in 1977, legislation authorized state-owned and controlled colleges and universities to maintain a campus police department, and it would take years for most states to recognize private campus policing.[23] Now, 44 states allow private policing on campuses and nearly all public colleges with a 2,500 person student body or greater and 91-percent of private colleges of similar size have employed these police.[24]
As noted, police reform involves numerous variables, each changing depending on sometimes vastly different circumstances at universities. One of the most notable of student demonstrations to defund the police came on August 30, 2020 when fifty University of Chicago student protestors called for defunding and eventually abolishing campus police. Among those in the protest were members of Black Lives Matter’s Chicago chapter, UChicago United, and CareNotCops, an organization that was founded in 2018 after police wounded a student suffering from a mental health episode. Chioma Nwoye, a black student at UChicago, mentioned that “UCPD doesn’t make me feel safe at all. What makes me feel safe is my sense of community that I’ve built here with other students of color, with other organizers.”[25]
University of Chicago Provost Lee has repeatedly offered to meet with the group, including in June, on August 31, and again on September 4. In September 4’s invitation, which was emailed and hand-delivered to organizers, she noted that she continues to believe “it is important to include the group’s perspective as the University conducts a series of listening sessions with a broad range of stakeholders.” In response, the group demanded the meeting be public and that the “university must agree to disband the UCPD and meet to discuss implementation of that demand.” Provost Lee then stressed that “The group represents one perspective, and it is important to include their viewpoint,” even going on to say that “ …the university must take into account a range of viewpoints.” This is an important message which indicates the university’s seriousness on the issue, but its patience to listen to all voices equally. However, protestors argue that this is a ploy and that prominent alumni donors are having influence on policing policy.
At the same time, activists in other areas of Chicago formed a coalition to demand that Chicago reduce the police budget by 75% and shift over $1 billion to “human services, education, and healthcare.” Mayor Lori Lightfoot, a Democrat, rejected this order, saying that “Diverting money from police would mean the youngest, newest officers — who are also the most diverse and well-trained — would have to be let go, hurting the department.” She then went on to reject “the false narrative that it is either fund the police or fund communities. We must and can do both.” She instead proposed policing reforms in collaboration with the United States Conference of Mayors.[26] While these reforms rejected defunding police departments, it in fact placed more money into social services, forced police chiefs to hold officers accountable when one of them is using excessive force, which was now declared as an absolute last resort tactic. This aligns with what she announced, that her police reform, although rejected defunding police, has given protestors similar results in investing into the community for prime prevention efforts, increasing accountability, and reducing police lethality.
How exactly would police reform work for the University of Chicago then? UCPD presides over 65,000 people, making it one of the largest private police forces in the country.[27] The population under UCPD’s scope is around 50-percent African American, but CareNotCops states that they are “stopped, searched, and cited at disproportionately higher rates than their white counterparts.”[28] In fact, 90-percent of people who have been stopped were African American. What would the dissolution of the University of Chicago campus police force mean, given that in the city, 605 people have been killed this year alone? That is 181 more than the entirety of last year.[29] Hyde Park and South Kenwood, which are near the University, had 266 reports of violent crime in 2018, which include murder, sexual assault, robbery, and aggravated battery and assault.[30]
As stated previously, several factors influence the outcome of “defunding the police.” Before considering informed possibilities of how defunding campus police may look in the future, it must again be emphasized that evidence for police reform and crime rates even in Chicago may not be true when applied to the surrounding neighborhoods of the University of Chicago. It is likewise important remember campus police are fundamentally different from city police. The roles of campus police are more towards preventing crime by raising “awareness of common legal issues” and “fostering relationships with students, giving presentations, and implementing crime prevention campaigns to help reduce the rate of crime, instead of sitting back and waiting for students to break the law.”[31] Nevertheless, arguably one of the more important factors is the effect on short-term and long-term crime under the UCPD jurisdiction should they be defunded.
There is existing evidence that shows even modest police reform is effective. In Camden, New Jersey, the local police department was placed under county jurisdiction and later implemented de-escalation training, defined chokeholds as deadly force tactics, and enforced accountability requirements of colleagues to step in if other police are using unnecessary violent techniques. They even required police to patrol on foot, introduce themselves to residents, and host community barbeques. Between 2012 and 2019, violent crime fell a whopping 42%.[32]
However, counter evidence tells another story: defunding the police could result in fewer crimes and also less violence from police. From 2014 to 2015, the NYC police pulled back on “broken windows” policing that effectively focused on patrolling low-level crimes with less resources and attention for major crimes, and in that time period, about 2,100 fewer major crimes were reported, a 3-6% drop in a matter of weeks. This leads many to argue that if police are not actively patrolling for minor crimes there are fewer opportunities for large scale violence.[33] This would suggest that less police presence in low-level crime, whether that is implemented through policing reform or a straight cut in their budget, would lead to overall less violence and crime.
The evidence above is supported by the work of Jill Leovy, author of Ghettoside: A True Story of Murder in America, who explains that police focus “on nuisance and vice—the cheap and easy, low-hanging fruit of the trade,” while murders in predominantly black neighborhoods go unsolved. She cites,
“from 1988 to 2002, the number of unsolved homicides in the L.A. Police Department’s South Bureau was 41 per square mile. Even as many white neighborhoods remained untouched by killings during this period, some predominately black ones had three unsolved cases per block—seven at the especially violent intersection of South San Pedro and East 84th streets.”
She goes on to claim that “if police departments were reformed to focus on policing black neighborhoods the same way they police wealthy white neighborhoods, police violence would decrease.”[34] Inevitably, this would reduce some level of racially-charged confrontations in those areas.
However, the other facet of this analysis is whether these policies are effective in reducing racially motivated police violence. Philip V. McHarris, PhD candidate at Yale University and Thenjiwe McHarris, from the Movement for Black Lives, argue that even the Minneapolis Police Department, a “model for progressive police reform” still saw George Floyd and 51 other black men killed by the police department from Jan. 2000 until May 31, 2020. [35] They state that even though the MPD implemented trainings for implicit bias, mindfulness, de-escalation, officer diversity, widespread body-camera usage, and even an intervention system to identify problematic officers by supporting them with around-the-clock mental health crisis intervention programs, George Floyd and several more unarmed men still died at the hands of police officers. From their perspective, police reform is not nearly enough to curb racially motivated lethal confrontations.
However, should the UCPD meet the demands of student protestors and implement the 50% budget cut, there may also be the unintended side effects. Growing evidence also suggests “taxation by citation,” a phenomenon in which underfunded police departments seek to raise necessary funds, would inevitably occur with defunding campus police. Historically, this occurred in New Miami Village, OH in which 45,000 speeding tickets were issued to its mere 2,000 people in just 15 months. This would in fact push attention away from high crime neighborhoods that depend on police presence the most.[36]
In fact, in a report from Queens University, researchers suggested prioritizing partnerships with students and to meet them in person and online. Specifically, they call for community engagement programs similar to those enacted in Camden, New Jersey, establishing homeless outreach programs, and adding more representatives from the student body and faculty body to safety committees. They also suggest strengthening budgets, but chiefly in response to “community wants” by identifying what surrounding jurisdictions most desperately need. Interestingly, although this seems on its face to oppose “defunding the police,” it also manages to satisfy the notion of allocating funds towards community development, listening to the community, and funding areas that reduce crime through prevention techniques.[37] It appears the path towards uniting seemingly different stances on this policy is the fusion between evidence based police reform and the concepts of funding areas that can deter crime.
What also complicates matters is that campus police differ from city police because unlike city police, they are given authority to use a wider range of disciplinary actions that in effect reduce lethality. Whereas city police may choose to arrest, campus police can refer to the Dean of Students who will then issue the punishment. This method of disciplinary action can be inherently “de-escalating” because there’s more freedom to choose a better fit course of action and more choices are non-violent. In addition, campus police, at large, engage in more sensitivity training than traditional police recruits, though research is not decisive on whether it is always effective. James Alan Fox, professor of criminology, law, and public policy at Northeastern University in Boston and author of the book “Violence and Security on Campus,” says “they provide things like escort services for students who need to walk home at night.”[38]
Sensitivity training may have proved successful in Camden, NJ, whose population is majority made up by African Americans and Puerto Ricans, both of which make up more of the population than whites do.[39] Despite this success, though, two Harvard University studies on implicit bias effectiveness have suggested that these techniques’ supposed benefits fade within a few days at best.[40] For instance, in 2014, Eric Garner was killed using a chokehold technique banned two decades earlier. Stuart Schrader, PhD, Associate Director of the Program in Racism, Immigration, and Citizenship at Johns Hopkins University, further argues that “Reform programs come with more money and little accountability for police departments, continuing the historical cycle of oppression.”[41] The college campus analogue of this idea aligns with evidence from Viviann Anguiano, a secondary education expert, who cites that campus police, by and large, are not subjected to disclosing data on officer complaints like some city police are.[42]
She argues for mutual aid agreements between campus police and city police – which reduce public safety costs by combining response teams to certain events. For instance, during an active shooter attack, city police would most likely respond along with campus police. She continues to write,
“the University of Minnesota canceled its contract for large on-campus events such as concerts, ceremonies, and sporting events, as well as specialized services like K-9 explosive detection units. While these services may seem significant, severing a contract with police departments unwilling to take steps to reform enables a college to exert accountability over the institutions in its community and could encourage other institutions to do so as well.”
Some scholars agree this would improve accountability, but she stops short of calling for “defunding the police” when she mentions “the severance of the University of Minnesota’s contract consists of eliminating bomb detection services for up to 12 football, homecoming, and other events over the course of nine months,” which could prove hazardous for student safety.
Campus police differ from city police because they must also comply with the Clery act, a consumer protection law that aims to provide transparency around campus crime policy and statistics. “In order to comply with Clery Act requirements, colleges and universities must understand what the law entails, where their responsibilities lie, and what they can do to actively foster campus safety.” Practically speaking, this entails developing an emergency alert system.[43]
Campus police often find themselves involved in Title IX protocols and with city police’s investigations. Campus police often straddle both kinds of investigations at once.[44] Defunding campus police may lead to less support in the university investigation if their budget is cut. Title IX is a federal civil rights law passed as part of the Education Amendments of 1972 protecting people from discrimination based on sex in education programs or activities that receive Federal financial assistance. Gender discrimination is defined as anything ranging from sex stereotyping to sexual violence.[45] However, there is seemingly widespread distrust in how Title IX violations are handled. Emma B. Bolla wrote in the Boston College Law Review that there are challenges with who should be handling sexual assault cases. She argues that local or city police have difficulty compiling evidence over time which could hinder these highly sensitive investigations. Furthermore, she writes that a defendant’s refusal to speak or appear at a hearing may also impact the integrity of a hearing, especially if the campus proceeding statements are revealed. She writes this would impact both the victim’s accusation and the defendant’s due process rights. Thus, she argues, local law enforcement would do more harm than good with handling title IX violations and accusations.
Although the LA county sheriff warns that defunding police will cut sexual assault and rape units considerably[46], some activists see this as a win since it opens different potential paths for justice. Activists argue that out of every 1,000 sexual assaults in the United States, only 230 are reported to the police and that the second most cited reason why a victim would not report is thinking “the police won’t help.” A shocking revelation is that in 2018, a sexual assault response assessment showed 67% of police had little to no training on how to read evidence kits – more commonly known as rape kits – with one officer claiming, “I have to Google stuff like ‘labia majora.’” Instead of leaving even more complicated tasks to police officers whose training only demands so much, funds “could go towards family and domestic violence shelters, rape crisis centers, mental health counseling and anti-sexual violence education programs — underfunded services that have a proven record of helping survivors with support and healing.”[47] What defunding means for campus police along this line of thought might be using more university funds towards the integrity of its own hearings and to reimagine police as “helpers” rather than “arresters” or “prosecutors”. As we can see, the idea of defunding police has both its merits and cons which depend greatly on the specific units in contention.
As with many issues plaguing American society, defunding campus police comes with a slew of both pros and cons. Though there seems to be bipartisan support for forms of police reform, calls for defunding the police continue. The goals for proponents of defunding the police, that is to reduce crime and eliminate racially-motivated police shootings, and the goals of the opposition, meaning to also improve public safety but maintain protection for high crime communities, are in fact not mutually exclusive. Addressing either will help the other, and to enact meaningful change, Americans must take historical evidence into account with a case-to-case approach in examining what it may or may not mean to “defund campus police.” It will take considerable courage and collaboration between all Americans, students, and campus administrations, and, to a large extent, city law enforcement to bring about lasting positive change in the hope of learning from the tragedy of George Floyd’s death along with so many others.
[1] Team, A. (2020, October 18). Infant of pregnant woman killed in Jeffery Manor shooting dies days after mother’s death, Chicago police say. Retrieved October 27, 2020, from https://abc7chicago.com/chicago-shooting-jeffery-manor-police-stacey-jones/7131709/
[2] Goudie, C. (2020, September 17). Chicago murders up in 2020, outpacing national increase: FBI data. Retrieved October 27, 2020, from https://abc7chicago.com/chicago-murders-2020-crime-fbi/6431761/.
[3] Evans, M. (2020, June 15). UChicago Students, Allies Demand Abolition Of Campus Police During 19-Hour Sit-In. Retrieved October 27, 2020, from https://blockclubchicago.org/2020/06/15/uchicago-students-allies-demand-abolition-of-campus-police-during-19-hour-sit-in/.
[4] Barajas, J. (2020, July 09). At some U.S. universities, a time to rethink cops on campus. Retrieved October 27, 2020, from https://www.latimes.com/world-nation/story/2020-07-09/amid-nationwide-calls-to-defund-the-police-universities-rethink-ties-to-police-dept.
[5] Moore, M. (2020, June 09). NAACP president Derrick Johnson not endorsing ‘defund the police’ movement. Retrieved October 27, 2020, from https://nypost.com/2020/06/09/naacp-president-not-endorsing-defund-the-police-movement/.
[6] #8toAbolition. (n.d.). Retrieved October 27, 2020, from https://www.8toabolition.com/.
[7] Perry, A., Harshbarger, D., Romer, C., & Thymianos, K. (2020, June 11). To add value to Black communities, we must defund the police and prison systems. Retrieved October 27, 2020, from https://www.brookings.edu/blog/how-we-rise/2020/06/11/to-add-value-to-black-communities-we-must-defund-the-police-and-prison-systems/.
[8] Sainato, M. (2020, June 24). US students call on universities to dismantle and defund campus policing. Retrieved October 27, 2020, from https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2020/jun/24/campus-policing-us-university-students-call-to-defund.
[9] (2019). Retrieved October 27, 2020, from https://ope.ed.gov/campussafety/Trend/public/.
[10] DeGue, S., Fowler, K., & Calkins, C. (2016, November). Deaths Due to Use of Lethal Force by Law Enforcement: Findings From the National Violent Death Reporting System, 17 U.S. States, 2009-2012. Retrieved October 27, 2020, from https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC6080222/.
[11] @RealDonaldTrump (Trump, D.) (2020, June 04). The Radical Left Democrats new theme is “Defund the Police”. Remember that when you don’t want Crime, especially against you and your family. This is where Sleepy Joe is being dragged by the socialists. I am the complete opposite, more money for Law Enforcement! #LAWANDORDER. Twitter. Retrieved October 27, 2020, from https://twitter.com/realdonaldtrump/status/1268635752214208514?lang=en.
[12] Jonathan Martin, Alexander Burns, and Thomas Kaplan, “Biden Walks a Cautious Line as He Opposes Defunding the Police,” nytimes.com, June 8, 2020.
[13] Andrew Marantz, “Bernie Sanders Is Not Done Fighting,” newyorker.com, June 9, 2020.
[14] Saad, L. (2020, October 27). Black Americans Want Police to Retain Local Presence. Retrieved October 27, 2020, from https://news.gallup.com/poll/316571/black-americans-police-retain-local-presence.aspx.
[15] Journalist, L. (2020, June 01). What police reform does America support? Retrieved October 27, 2020, from https://today.yougov.com/topics/politics/articles-reports/2020/06/01/police-reform-america-poll.
[16] Doubek, J. (2020, June 10). D.C. Mayor Muriel Bowser: ‘Not At All’ Reconsidering Police Funding. Retrieved October 27, 2020, from https://www.npr.org/sections/live-updates-protests-for-racial-justice/2020/06/10/873371574/d-c-mayor-muriel-bowser-not-at-all-reconsidering-police-funding
[17] Duster, C. (2020, June 14). Clyburn says he does not support defunding the police. Retrieved October 27, 2020, from https://www.cnn.com/2020/06/14/politics/james-clyburn-defund-police-cnntv/index.html
[18] Moreno, J. (2020, June 30). Ocasio-Cortez dismisses proposed $1B cut: ‘Defunding police means defunding police’ . Retrieved October 27, 2020, from https://thehill.com/homenews/house/505307-ocasio-cortez-dismisses-proposed-1b-cut-defunding-police-means-defunding.
[19] Haas, K. (2020, June 12). Defund the Police? No Way, Says NAACP Leader. Retrieved October 27, 2020, from https://www.insidesources.com/defund-the-police-no-way-says-naacp-leader/
[20] Fernandez, P. (2020, June 11). ACLU News & Commentary. Retrieved October 27, 2020, from https://www.aclu.org/news/criminal-law-reform/defunding-the-police-will-actually-make-us-safer/.
[21] Sharkey, P. (2020, June 12). Perspective | Cops prevent violence. But they aren’t the only ones who can do it. Retrieved October 27, 2020, from https://www.washingtonpost.com/outlook/2020/06/12/defund-police-violent-crime/?arc404=true.
[22] Jackman, T. (2020, June 18). Guest post: Defunding or disbanding the police is a dangerous idea if done hastily. Retrieved October 27, 2020, from https://www.washingtonpost.com/crime-law/2020/06/18/guest-post-defunding-or-disbanding-police-is-dangerous-idea-if-done-hastily/?outputType=amp.
[23] FAQs for the media. (n.d.). Retrieved October 27, 2020, from https://www.iaclea.org/faqs-for-the-media.
[24] Nelson, L. (2015, July 29). Why nearly all colleges have an armed police force. Retrieved October 27, 2020, from https://www.vox.com/2015/7/29/9069841/university-of-cincinnati-police.
[25] University of Chicago Students End 7-Day Occupation Outside Provost’s Home. (n.d.). Retrieved October 27, 2020, from https://news.wttw.com/2020/09/06/university-chicago-students-end-7-day-occupation-outside-provost-home.
[26] Bauer, K. (2020, October 21). Lightfoot Rejects Cutting Police Budget Despite $1.2 Billion Budget Gap: ‘I Do Not Support Defunding’. Retrieved October 27, 2020, from https://blockclubchicago.org/2020/10/21/lightfoot-rejects-cutting-police-budget-as-chicago-faces-1-2-billion-budget-gap/.
[27] Says:, B., Acosta-Córdova, J., Acosta-Córdova, J., Daley, K., Misra, K., Daley, J., . . . Geng, L. (2018, July 23). The Fight Over Chicago’s Largest Private Police Force. Retrieved October 27, 2020, from https://southsideweekly.com/the-fight-over-chicagos-largest-private-police-force-university-of-chicago-ucpd/.
[28] Story Map Series. (n.d.). Retrieved October 27, 2020, from https://uchicago.maps.arcgis.com/apps/MapSeries/index.html?appid=0b4a3b97c82540e7bb3350550c92282b.
[29] Chicago Tribune. (2020, October 20). Tracking Chicago homicide victims. Retrieved October 27, 2020, from https://www.chicagotribune.com/news/breaking/ct-chicago-homicides-data-tracker-htmlstory.html.
[30] Violent Crime Report. (n.d.). Retrieved October 27, 2020, from https://safety-security.uchicago.edu/police/data_information/violent_crime_report/.
[31] How Does A Campus Police Differ From City Police?: Orent Law Offices. (2020, August 12). Retrieved October 27, 2020, from https://www.orentcriminallaw.com/blog/differences-campus-police-city-police/.
[32] Chris Megerian, “Disband the Police? Camden Already Did That,” latimes.com, June 10, 2020
[33] Amina Khan, “In New York, Major Crime Complaints Fell when Cops Took a Break from ‘Proactive Policing,’” latimes.com, Sep. 25, 2017.
[34] Jill Leovy, “The Underpolicing of Black America,” wsj.com, Jan. 23, 2015.
[35] Philip V. McHarris and Thenjiwe McHarris, “No More Money for the Police,” nytimes.com, May 30, 2020.
[36] C. Jarret Dieterle, “Citation Nation,” city-journal.org, Apr. 4, 2017
[37] Campus Policing in an Urban Environment: Findings from a Forum on Critical Issues in Urban Campus Public Safety. (n.d.). Retrieved October 27, 2020, from https://safesupportivelearning.ed.gov/resources/campus-policing-urban-environment-findings-forum-critical-issues-urban-campus-public.
[38] At some U.S. universities, a time to rethink cops on campus. (2020, July 09). Retrieved October 27, 2020, from https://www.latimes.com/world-nation/story/2020-07-09/amid-nationwide-calls-to-defund-the-police-universities-rethink-ties-to-police-dept.
[39] DP-1 – Profile of General Population and Housing Characteristics: 2010 for Camden city, Camden County, New Jersey, United States Census Bureau. Accessed December 1, 2011.
[40] Alex Vitale, “Why Police Reform Is Not Enough,” yesmagazine.org, June 2, 2020.
[41] McCabe, B. (2019, October 16). The evolution of American policing, at home and abroad, in the Cold War era. Retrieved October 27, 2020, from https://hub.jhu.edu/2019/10/16/badges-beyond-borders-stuart-schrader/.
[42] Anguiano, V. (2020, July 15). 4 Actions Colleges Can Take To Address Police Brutality. Retrieved October 27, 2020, from https://www.americanprogress.org/issues/education-postsecondary/news/2020/07/15/487647/4-actions-colleges-can-take-address-police-brutality/.
[43] Clery Center. (n.d.). Retrieved October 27, 2020, from https://clerycenter.org/policy-resources/the-clery-act/.
[44] New, J. (2015, July 6). College law enforcement administrators hear approach to make Title IX more effective. Retrieved November 05, 2020, from https://www.insidehighered.com/news/2015/07/06/college-law-enforcement-administrators-hear-approach-make-title-ix-more-effective
[45] What is Title IX? (n.d.). Retrieved October 27, 2020, from https://titleix.harvard.edu/what-title-ix.
[46] CBS Los Angeles. (2020, June 30). Sheriff Warns LA County Cuts Will Eliminate Sexual Assault Investigations Unit. Retrieved October 27, 2020, from https://losangeles.cbslocal.com/2020/06/30/la-county-sheriff-defund-budget-cuts-sexual-assault-rape-unit/.
[47] Wong, W. (2020, August 02). ‘Defund the police’ movement could offer sexual assault survivors a different path for justice, experts say. Retrieved October 27, 2020, from https://www.nbcnews.com/news/us-news/defund-police-movement-could-offer-sexual-assault-survivors-different-path-n1235478.
Policy & Political Review 
Wow big brain. Very well written.
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