November 1, 2022
French influence flourished in the 18th and 19th century with their progressive political and administrative ideology of liberalism and the abolishment of the Monarchy. Among those inspired by the French movements was Italy, a collection of small states before the Risorgimento, or Rising Again in Italian. This paper formulates the events that led to the initial unification of the Kingdom of Italy in 1861, including an analysis of the main contributors of the campaigns in support of Italian unification as well as what role the formulation of the first Italian constitution played for the future of Italian democracy. It is important to understand the significance that Statuto Albertino had in establishing grounds, although weak, in political discourse of greater power for the people. The name of the policy itself shows the shortcomings of the charter. The Statute was established by King Carlo Alberto of Sardinia, who named it after himself, and placed minimal value on the Italians which were the so-called drive of unification.
Introduction
The former Kingdom of Italy’s political unification had been vastly influenced by the spread of French revolutionary ideology and by Napoleon’s direct authority. To understand the degree of push the French revolution and Napoleon’s leadership contributed to the unification, it is imperative to analyze its progress through the lens of the French revolution’s intentions versus the false pretense Napoleon set for the Italian states. Napolean creates a unique interplay of his recognition for his attachment to the French revolution as he was perceived as a liberator for what he stood by, however, it’s considerable to call out the contradictions he creates such as the implantation of puppet regimes within the Italian states he oversaw. Understanding how Napoleon played out the legacy of the French Revolution is crucial to comprehending the factors of split political desires between the northern and southern fragmented Italian states.
The French Revolution
Napoleon Bonaparte, the military and political leader in the later days of the French Revolution, helped shape the history of Italy in its declaration of democracy. The French Revolution erupted as a rejection of the hostile treatment of commoners under the French absolute monarchy, in which the French king, Louis XⅥ, single-handedly governed the state. Roughly 98% of French society was composed of commonfolk, also referred to as the Third Estate. Regardless of the Third Estate’s positive impact on the economic success of France, such as providing farm labor for the state, peasants barely held any sway in their governance, and the economic disparity between the Estates widened with the financial turmoil around the turn of the 19th century. The careless treatment of the Third Estate through taxation and starvation paved the way for widespread malcontent with the monarchy. The Third Estate’s oppression led to the spread of many revolutionary ideas. Over time, French royalty grew fearful, as these ideas were quickly growing into a legitimate enemy of the state[1]. The ideology of the French revolutionaries proposed a pathway to a democratic France in philosophical writings, meetings, and demonstrations. However, it did not stop at that. On July 14, 1789, the Bastille, a state prison, was stormed by revolutionaries. The overwhelming forces succeeded in overseeing the surrender of Bernard-René Jordan de Launay, the military governor of Bastille. This event was a pivotal moment in the French Revolution, contributing to the downfall of the Monarchy, which was officially eradicated in 1792[2].
Napoleon Takes Over Italy
Napoleon Bonaparte was born on August 15, 1769, and initially gained recognition with his success in the French military, especially during time abroad. His credentials and overall victories proved his excellence in leadership, helping him to win over the state of France and to pursue the spread of revolutionary thought to other European monarchies by deconstructing previous institutions of Europe and fabricating a state based on nationalism and political mobilization at large. Napoleon’s ability to impose a hereditary monarchy and imperialism through the annexation of multiple Italian provinces into French control contradicted his pro-nationalism claims. These were the main elements encompassing his title in his role of Italian unification.
Shortly after Napoleon’s ascension to power, Italy became the target of France due to the support specific provinces held for Austria. France initiated war with Austria, as Austria was perceived as the prime threat to his regime and his attributions abroad, specifically his intentions of ruling Europe. In 1805, Austria and Russia formed an alliance against Napoleon. In the way of their dispute, however, were minor states in northern Italy that bordered both France and Austria. Because of these wars, the small states, which were also under the control of monarchies, were forced to battle against the French in support of Austria[3]
Italy was vulnerable for several reasons, including its location and long-lasting fragmentation. Italy remained in pieces since the fall of the Roman Empire, eventually regions turning into individual states, specifically ten. Among these states varied political governance as well as legal and economic systems. An important state which will be further analyzed later in the paper is the state of the Kingdom of Sardinia, including Piedmont: the Duchy of Milan. Under the Habsburg Empire[4] it would then serve as a vital component of developing Italian unification when reclaimed under the Kingdom of Italy in 1860. Italy’s geography meant that it saw conflict as other European powers warred, and the fragmented nature of the Italian states created smaller, decentralized forces that were not as powerful as the French. Although Austria fought diligently to preserve its control over the Italian states, Napoleon defeated them, resulting in the French acquisition of Italy, almost in its entirety[5] . Several republics were established thereafter. For example, Napoleon established the Neapolitan Republic—using his namesake—which centered on Naples, but only lasted a few months. The new states were established under a republican form of government as client states of France and saw administration under Napoleon, as he was the common head of the states[6] .
The French-Italian Dilemma
Now under the control of Napoleon, the Italian territories were controlled in three sections. First, northern Italy, comprised of Piedmont, Liguria, Parma, Piacenza, Tuscany, and Rome, was annexed by the French Empire[7]. In 1805, the Napoleonic Kingdom of Italy was formed, and Napoleon directly declared himself as the president until his abdication in 1814. This, therefore, exposed Nepoleon’s motivating factor of power was not republicanism, but to assert remarkable power. Napoleon’s Kingdom of Italy consisted of Lombardy, Venice, Reggio, Moderna, Romagna, and the Marshes. Finally, the Kingdom of Naples was established in 1806 and was controlled by Joseph Bonaparte, Napoleon’s brother. The question of succession was answered so that Napoleon’s brother-in-law, Joachim Murat, would take over following Joseph—and he did. This essentially worked to uphold a hereditary monarchy in order to keep both Italian territorial and political power within the Bonaparte family.
Italy was now ruled by the French and had lost sovereignty over its own land and politics. Almost all bureaucratic officials were French, and Paris had taken over the governance of Italy. The French imperial rule sought to integrate Italians into French culture and ideology. In the beginning, the more progressive northern Italy saw the French as an ally who would support a renewal of governance and even welcomed the French due to their like-mindedness in the way of approaching administration and the judicial system for Italy. States transformed their laws and even established an electoral college[8].
There was, however, a clear disappointment in the lack of representation the people had in the governance of the kingdom. There was a clear divide between the expectation versus reality of what Italians believed the French had to offer to a republican Italy. This started with the appointment of himself as president of the northern Italian state as well as implementing puppet regimes with family members with monumental power over the state. This was one of Napoleon’s contradictions Italians were frustrated with. Under Napoleon there were improvements such as road and education quality through higher taxation and the abolishment of nearly all feudal rights which demonstrated the active stride of republican ideology. This was beneficial for the Italian state in many ways, however, taking Napoleon’s leadership in a wide scope is essential as he concealed his imperialist persona in his countenance of liberalism French revolutionary philosophy. However, his view of French society as superior was the reality of his rule over Italy[9]. Napoleon lost legitimacy as a leader from mainly focusing on the prosperity of France, lessening appreciation on behalf of the Italians he ruled.
A few decades later, the Italian nationalist revolutionaries had grown considerably in size and popularity, with Giuseppe Garibaldi becoming a key figure in bringing Italy closer towards unification. Napoleon played a key figure in fueling what Italians needed to promote and avoid in leadership. Even following his legacy, many of his institutions remained as a base for Italian unification, however, others stepped in to fill in the gaps of promoting Italian nationalism which Napoleon lacked for the end goal of unification. Garibaldi was an Italian patriot and soldier who fought for the Risorgimento, or the unification of Italy. Garibaldi participated in many efforts against Austrian forces that ventured into Italian territory, being elected a deputy in the Roman Assembly, as well as leading thousands of men to exit Rome through central Italy in 1849 to avoid French and Austrian combatants. Garibaldi had become immensely popular especially after the seizure of Palermo in 1860. Many Sicilian peasants were hopeful for the abolition of feudalism, and Garibaldi also made an impression on Camillo Benso, count of Cavour, an accomplished parliamentarian who held governmental powers that Garibaldi and his cause would benefit from[10]. Garibaldi won the title of popularity and held an army of 30,000 men with the backing of Cavour, marking a significant step towards the unification of Italy.
Battle of Solferino
A major course of action directed and backed by the governmental leaders of Italy was the Battle of Solferino during the Franco-Austrian wars on June 24, 1859. The war occurred in Lombardy, between the Sardinian and Piedmont army, against the enemy of Italian unification: Austria. The principal contributors to this battle were Napoleon Ⅲ and Victor Emmanuel Ⅱ. In his youth, Napoleon had been a participant in Carbonari, a secret revolutionary society in Italy supporting the unification of Italy. He, therefore, was fond of the idea of a shared national language, culture, and territory across the entire Italian peninsula.
The significance of this war surpasses solely affecting unification, also playing a role in turning Italy into an international power. Napoleon maintained a tenuous relationship with other European powers, striving to avoid unnecessary conflict. Much of French war preparation required stringent planning by Napoleon, specifically to maintain neutrality with the rest of Europe. The Franco-Austrian War drove out the Austrians from Italy, liberating Lombardy, which had previously prevented interference in Italy. The war carved a path for further Italian unification due to greater growth of a sense of national identity through successes of the consecutive wars.
Declaration of Kingdom of Italy
States in northern Italy elected to be under the authority of the Kingdom of Piedmont-Sardinia, which was a major factor in uniting the peninsula. Garibaldi had already spread his influence and political ideology in the southern states through military accomplishments, leading to the creation of the new Kingdom of Italy in 1861. With the creation of the new state, the national parliament convened and declared Victor Emmanuel Ⅲ as its king. The building blocks to produce a stronger nation state had officially been placed and new policies had to be established. Statuto Albertino, originally the constitution of the Kingdom of Sardinia, became the basis of the official constitution of Italy and resulted in the first time that the United States recognized the Kingdom of Italy as a sovereign state.[11] (E.Board, NA). This move was a tactic to prove Italy’s seriousness to enter the international community with openness to new treaties and alliances.
The constitution was made in reference to the French charter, which aimed to establish equality for citizens, freedom of press, and to an extent, freedom of assembly. Voting rights remained lacking as only a fraction of the population was granted suffrage. The constitution distributed the government into three branches; the executive branch consisted of the king, the legislative was comprised of the senate and chamber of deputies, and the final branch of government was the judiciary[12] (Editors of Encyclopedia, 2022). Still, however, the king retained power, as he did much of the appointing for government positions and oversaw international relations of the kingdom. There were, however, many amendments made over the years to the constitution to further liberalize it, with efforts to lessen some of the king’s power over the government.
The withholding of sooner changes to the constitution stemmed from the fear of changing the monarchy, with this great pushback coming during an era of heightened politics in the newly formed Italian kingdom. The crucial role that the constitution filled was with its effectiveness in further driving forward the idea of the possibility for democratic changes and limitations on the king’s power. Previously, Italian unification was a concept that was relegated to small, underground groups. However, with the full backing of the government, the military, and the constitution, unification as a concept became central to the entire basis of the Kingdom of Italy.
The problematic element of the constitution was the way it had been formed. The people had no representation over it, which would lead to the main issues attached to it. The naming of the policy was technically statute, and this provided a neutral connotation to the policy as opposed to the connotation the constitution would provide in the declaration’s title. The word “constitution” would draw suggestions from the French Revolution and its commoner influence whereas the Statuto Alberto was not truly based on the same drives of the French Revolution but one set with the legacy of Napoleon.
Conclusion
The French fell short in establishing a base of support among Italians to be able to maintain control. Additionally, southern Italians preferred more traditional governance and their difference in ideology clashed with both the French and the northern Italians. This, however, did not mean northern Italians stayed fond of the French; in fact, although they opposed the previous Italian monarchies, they also acknowledged the French control was also not sustainable. Napoleon was a driving factor for the rising Italian nationalist movement which advocated for Risorgimento, or Italian unification. Regardless, the success of the unification continued. With the furthering of revolutionary groups and leaders such as Garibaldi, there was hope and increased political awareness for a unified Italy.
With the Franco-Austrian war and the further unification of Italy with the Piedmont-Sardinian government came the actual move towards unification. The ideas of unification had then become officially state-sanctioned with the final move of the Statuto Albertino being established by King of Piedmont-Sardinia, Charles Albert. The constitution was flawed in many ways such as it being created by a king rather than with the representation of the people. This type of policy is not great to form legitimacy for a unified nation-state. While keeping this drawback in the back of the mind, it still cannot be denied that the statue was used as an official form of recognition by the international community.
The author wishes to thank Dr. James Hill of the University of Pittsburgh Department of History for his valuable feedback on this piece.
Edited by Rhheaa Mehta, Ethan Rubenstein, and Andres Lopez.
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[2] Amanda Onion, Missy Sullivan, Matt Mullen, French revolutionaries storm the Bastille, History.com, November 24, 2009
[3] Christopher Duggan. Francesco Crispi, the problem of the monarchy, and the origins of Italian nationalism, Journal of Modern Italian Studies, May 27, 2010.
[4] Timothy H Parson, “The Rule of Empires: Those Who Built Them, Those Who Endured Them, and Why They Always Fall,” Academic.oup.com (Oxford University Press, November 2012), https://academic.oup.com/book/11631/chapter/160532168, 231–288.
[5] James M. Powell, “Italy”, (Britannica.com, October 12, 2022)
[6] McLean, J, “Italy Under Napoleon. History of Western Civilization Ⅱ”, (Courses.lumenlearning.com, NA)
[7] Michael Broers, “The Myth and Reality of Italian Regionalism: A Historical Geography of Napoleonic Italy, 1801-1814”,(The American Historical Review, Volume 108, Issue 3, June 2003)
[8] Denis Mack Smith, “Italy and Its Monarchy”,(New Haven: Yale University Press The American Historical Review. 1989)
[9] Parsons, Timothy H, “Napoleonic Italy: Empire Aborted”, The Rule of Empires: Those Who Built Them, Those Who Endured Them, and Why They Always Fall (New York, 2012; online edn, Oxford Academic, 16 Mar. 2015), https://doi.org/10.1093/acprof:osobl/9780199931156.003.0006
[10] John Foot, “Giuseppe Garibaldi”, (Encyclopidia Britannica, July 20, 1998. Last Updated: September 16,2022)
[11] Editorial Board, “Key dates in our diplomatic relations. U.S Embassy & Consulates in Italy”, (U.S Embassy and Consulates in Italy, Date NA)
[12] The Editors of Encylopedia Britannica, “Statuto Albertino”, (Britannica.com, July 20, 1998)
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